The reconstruction of the 44th Government of Montenegro was conducted in a non-transparent manner, disregarding democratic norms and standards and bypassing parliamentary procedures. It is a clear example of unprincipled political bargaining and partitocracy and an expression of ethnic interest fragmentations rather than a civic state.
Essentially, this is a new government, expanded to include political entities that were previously part of the ruling majority as well as those from the opposition.
The fact that Members of the Parliament of Montenegro had no formal explanation or information until just hours before the session on the reconstruction is another colossal devaluation of the most significant institution in any democracy.
This Government was first reconstructed in offices and the media, and only then, formally, in Parliament. The Parliament continues to be a mere voting machine, more so than ever before.
According to the Rules of Procedure of the Parliament of Montenegro, the Prime Minister-designate’s program and his proposal for the composition of the Government must be submitted to MPs at least three days before the debate. However, the deadline for submitting proposals for changes in the composition of the Government is not defined by the rules.
Nevertheless, it is evident that a reconstruction of this magnitude is not just about personnel changes at ministerial positions but about restructuring a large number of ministries and creating new departments and positions. Consequently, it was anticipated that the Prime Minister would refrain from pursuing procedural uncertainties and shortcuts, instead presenting to Parliament the revised composition and, if applicable, the agenda of the new departments.
After this reconstruction, it is clear that political interests and trading have once again, perhaps more visibly than ever, overshadowed the public interest. Even countries with significant wealth are incapable of supporting such a multitude of departments, and the distribution of resources at more intricate levels is still forthcoming.
Moreover, we believe it is unnecessary to waste many words on the scope of the new departments. It suffices to note that we now have two Deputy Prime Ministers – one for international relations and another for European and foreign affairs. We hope these deputies will figure out in practice who handles international and who handles foreign affairs.
Additionally, the influence and authority of perhaps the best ministers in the previous Government have been reduced.
Once again, promises of European path, reforms, and public administration optimization have succumbed to party interests, and the public and the international community have been offered unconvincing slogans about progress, reconciliation, and inclusiveness. Such is the nature of partitocracies.
This is one of Europe’s governments with the highest number of cabinet members. With this reconstruction, Montenegro joins the ranks of countries with the most bloated cabinets on our continent, alongside, for instance, Serbia and Belarus. Most EU governments have significantly fewer cabinet members.
Reflecting on the Prime Minister’s bold claim in his inaugural speech that “our vision is Montenegro as the Switzerland of the Balkans and the Singapore of Europe“ and comparing it with the number of cabinet members, we find that Switzerland has nearly five times fewer, and Singapore 40% fewer cabinet members.
Finally, while the number of members may remind one of Serbia or Belarus, the political concept underlying the reconstructed Government resembles post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is not a government of a civic state but a government of “constituent“ peoples, unrecognized by the Constitution of Montenegro, reflecting ethnic interest divisions that lead this society to mere coexistence instead of a shared life.
Dragan Koprivica, Executive Director of CDT