Characteristics of the ongoing campaign: Misuse of resources, incumbent campaigning and the silence of the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption 

The ongoing campaign for the Podgorica elections has been marked by the misuse of public resources by the parties in local government and most of the political entities in power at the national level.  

In the campaign for local elections, key topics have been imposed, such as tax and fiscal reforms being implemented at the national level, the announcement of a tender for the conceptual project of building a bypass around Podgorica, the appropriation of façade renovations, the opening of mobile green markets, and promises to citizens regarding road infrastructure and lighting. All of these are clear examples of the abuse of public offices and resources to create institutional advantages in the elections. 

Moreover, high-ranking state officials are leading the campaigns, putting public functions at the service of individual electoral lists, including those held by officials within the administration, public employees, and civil servants who, in democratic countries, should guarantee the neutrality and professionalism of the public administration. In this campaign, the boundaries between the state (public) and party interests have been completely erased. 

Another significant feature of this campaign is the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption’s (APC) indecisiveness. So far, it has failed to sanction unequivocal legal violations.  

The campaign has generally been more focused on the impact of the elections on the stability of the Government of Montenegro rather than on resolving the accumulating local issues of the citizens of Podgorica. However, some lists truly have local programs. The Serbian Orthodox Church has also made public statements ahead of these elections that can be interpreted as favoring specific electoral lists over others. 

Campaign based on the misuse of state and municipal resources to gain electoral advantage   

The campaign for the local elections in Podgorica is based on the misuse of public resources by political entities in local power and most of those at the national level. For instance, Prime Minister Milojko Spajic, during the submission of the “Europe Now – Democrats – Stronger – Prof. Dr Sasa Mujovic” list for the local elections in Podgorica, in which he participated, announced that just three days after the elections, the average monthly wage would be 1,000 euros.  

The central themes of the campaign have focused on tax and fiscal reforms, as well as the Europe Now 2 program. Once again, in this back-and-forth of defense and attack, promises regarding salaries and pensions are being made, alongside warnings of economic collapse and claims of success for outcomes that have yet to materialize. These outcomes, whether successful or not, will ultimately be funded by fiscal revenues contributed by all citizens and the entire economy through a public budget that belongs to all of us—not to the government or the political party currently in power. 

The pre-election period has also served as an ideal moment, for example, for Mayor Olivera Injac to sign an Agreement on the co-financing of works between the Capital City and the Transport Administration, a step toward the realization of the construction of the Vojislavljevica Boulevard. The Capital City has also announced a public call for farmers to apply for the Program of Incentive Measures for Agriculture and Rural Development and for first-graders to receive a 50-euro cash benefit at the start of the school year. 

A clear example of incumbent campaigning is the joint visit of the President of Montenegro, Jakov Milatovic, and Deputy Mayor Luka Rakcevic to the firefighters of the capital city, which unofficially announced their coalition for the upcoming local elections. In addition, Rakcevic recently visited the Buducnost women’s handball club, informed the public about façade renovations with the slogan “We move forward! For a better city,” which is also their slogan for the upcoming local elections, prominently featuring the number 10. For campaign purposes, he also published photos of the opening of a mobile green market in Zagoric with the message “For our city.” It is clear that these are concrete examples of leveraging institutional advantages and gaining political points.   

Another instance of abusing institutional advantage is the conversation between Rados Zecevic, executive director of the “Putevi” enterprise and Jelena Borovic Borovinic, president of the local parliament and leader of the “City for All” list, with citizens during party visits to specific parts of Podgorica. This involved a specific promise to solve problems related to the reconstruction of a street where citizens live, with these unresolved issues being exploited during the campaign.   

A particularly blatant example of the misuse of public resources for electoral purposes in this campaign was the decision by the Capital City to provide free public transportation, allowing all users of routes managed by the public enterprise “Putevi” to travel free of charge during September. This decision directly violates the Law on Financing Political Entities and Election Campaigns (LFPEEC), which explicitly prohibits the subsidization of utility service payments provided by companies that are wholly or partially state or locally owned – from the moment elections are called until two months after the final election results are confirmed. 

Decisive and bold institutions needed to stop abuses   

After initially stating that this was in accordance with the law, the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (APC) rightly revised its opinion and publicly announced that a procedure was underway to determine whether there was a violation of the law, yet the Capital City has continued to provide free transportation.   

However, if a decision in this case is not made before election day, it will lose its significance, effectively allowing unlawful behavior to be rewarded. Over the years, the APC has been known for its delayed responses, often avoiding confrontation with those in political power, which undermines the enforcement of the law. Their actions during the current elections will serve as a clear indicator of whether anything has truly changed. 

In addition, we expect APC to check whether the Capital City’s agricultural and rural development incentive program is being implemented in line with the monthly spending restrictions prescribed by LFPEEC, since, according to publicly available information, payment decisions are being made during the pre-election period. We also expect them to verify the legality of the one-off aid to first-graders. It is clear that public services cannot completely halt during elections, but it is equally clear and obvious when activities are timed to coincide with elections, attempting to gain an electoral advantage by using budgetary resources.   

The APC also announced that additional procedures are underway concerning suspected legal violations related to third-party campaigns and incumbent campaigning. We expect the APC to provide transparent information to the public regarding the nature of these cases and to report on their outcomes as soon as possible, ideally before election day. 

A campaign that blurs the line between party and state   

Campaigns are being led by high-ranking state officials, who are placing public offices at the service of individual electoral lists, which include officials in the administration and public servants, who in democratic countries are supposed to guarantee the neutrality and professionalism of the public administration.   

The leader of the list “For a Better Podgorica – Jakov Milatovic” is the President of Montenegro, who cannot be a local councilor or mayor, nor does he intend to be. His name and image are on billboards and promotional materials, and he participates in local party rallies. Milatovic also uses other appearances in his capacity as president to organize events for the purpose of the electoral campaign, fulfilling the classic definition of incumbent campaigning. It is concerning how easily the office of the president has been used to promote the candidacy of a mayoral candidate from one electoral list in campaign videos.   

The list “Europe Now – Democrats – Stronger – Prof. Dr. Sasa Mujovic” is led by the current Minister of Energy, who is not a candidate for local councilor but publicly promises to become mayor. This list includes five ministers in the Government of Montenegro, who cannot be councilors or local officials unless they resign from their ministerial posts. The Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister are also actively participating in the campaign for this list.   

The electoral lists also feature a significant number of state and local officials, MPs, as well as public employees and civil servants. This raises concerns that parties may lack dedicated personnel to address local issues and development. More troubling, however, is the inclusion of officials and employees who hold key technical positions in public administration among the candidates for local elections – individuals who should be exemplifying and safeguarding the neutrality and professionalism of public service. The line between the state and the party has effectively disappeared. 

Some participants in the campaign openly state that the local elections in Podgorica are a marginal topic. The leader of the PES-Democrats list, Sasa Mujovic, says that these are “anything but local elections,” while the leader of the “For a Better Podgorica” list, Jakov Milatovic, sees them as “the first step toward improving political conditions not only in the capital but throughout Montenegro.” So, once again, we have local elections where major historical themes are being decided and where national power is being preserved, strengthened, undermined, or supported.  

Already heard (un)realistic promises   

One of the critical features of this campaign is the inflation of election promises, often without detailed explanations of how they will be fulfilled, within what time frame, and most importantly—using which resources.  

Citizens are being promised the introduction of a “smart city” model for managing intersections, underground garages, underpasses, smart traffic lights, green waves… Additionally, there are plans for new bypasses, boulevards, a ring around Podgorica for cyclists and pedestrians, digitized buses, new parking lots… These are all things the same political actors have been unable to achieve over the past ten years.   

The question remains whether and to what extent these grandiose plans will be fulfilled, whether their implementation will require additional burdens on citizens through increased taxes or borrowing, and, of course, who will bear responsibility if these election promises are not met. 

Serbian Orthodox Church’s continued interference in the election process   

The Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) has continued to take sides in these elections. The metropolitan of the SOC in Montenegro, Joanikije Micovic, publicly praised the minister and head of the PES-Democrats list, Sasa Mujovic, as a “true Christian” who regularly participates in church activities. This public statement coming from such a socially influential source during the election period can only be interpreted as interference in the elections.   

It is also noteworthy that, just before the local elections in Podgorica, the situation regarding the erection of a monument to the former SOC metropolitan, Amfilohije Radovic, reached a climax. On August 21st, the Ministry of Culture and Media (MCM) rendered a decision denying permission to erect the monument. Following a strong backlash from the SOC, which included insults aimed at both the minister and the ministry, MCM reversed its decision, canceling its ruling as unlawful and citing bureaucratic oversights while also issuing an apology to the SOC. After the government quickly backed the ministry’s position, ministers from ethnic minority parties walked out of the session.   

Some members of the public believe that MCM and the government’s submissive attitude is related to the local elections and the SOC’s political influence in securing votes. What is certain is that, with such institutions, it is difficult to establish democratic governance or meet the standards for EU membership. 

“Certain vote” campaign in Serbia   

In recent times, the Center for Democratic Transition (CDT) has received confirmations from several independent sources in Serbia that local officials and activists of the Serbian Progressive Party from various cities have been conducting a “certain vote” campaign in favor of a coalition participating in the Montenegrin elections. They have been reaching out to Serbian citizens with Montenegrin connections, asking for the names and contacts of “certain voters.” We urge the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to formally lodge a protest with the authorities of the Republic of Serbia, through diplomatic channels against this interference in Montenegro’s electoral process. 

While electoral reform stalls, abuses go unpunished   

At the same time, none of these issues is adequately regulated or prohibited. The prescribed bans are so meaningless that they cannot be applied, while the responsible institutions are so servile that they do not dare enforce them.   

For instance, Article 50a of the Law on the Election of Councilors and MPs (LECMP) stipulates that public officials appointed by the Government of Montenegro or elected by local governments, as well as state employees and officials, cannot participate in election campaigns, nor publicly express their views on the elections during working hours or while on duty. This provision is relevant in the context of the numerous officials, employees, and staff actively participating in this campaign. Whether they are engaging in this activity during working hours or while on duty is not being monitored by any institution, as they exploit legal loopholes to evade responsibility for enforcing these rules. As a result, these regulations remain unenforceable in practice without adequate oversight. 

Electoral reform is still on hold, trapped by the blackmail of political actors who benefit from the current situation. It suits everyone while they are in power, and they only remember reforms when they are in the opposition once they lose access to exploiting public resources for narrow party interests.   

Dragan Koprivica, Executive Director of the CDT